Prepared by the American Hellenic Institute (AHI), and approved by the Order of AHEPA, and the Hellenic American National Council (HANC) 

The Hellenic American National Council (HANC) 

The Hellenic American National Council (HANC) was established in 1992 to serve as an umbrella organizaiton for the numerous Greek American federations and associations across the United States. HANC is a nonprofit, nonpartisan education and charitable organization devoted to honoring, protecting and preserving the Hellenic and American ideals. HANC is also dedicated to supporting the interests of the United States, Greece and Cyprus in the Eastern Mediterranean and Balkan regions.

2001 GREEK AMERICAN POLICY STATEMENTS 

The policies set forth herein are based in each case on the question of what is in the best interests of the United States.

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Section 1 Executive Summary and Overview

1.      United States Interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean

2.      Policy Themes

3.      Policy Objectives

4.      The Main Problems and Greek American Responses

§ The Aegean

§ Cyprus

§ Turkey

5.      5. A New Approach Needed by the New Administration

Section 2 Legislative Priorities

Section 3 Policy Discussion

1.      Greece

§ The U.S. Relationship

§ The Aegean

2.      Cyprus

§ The U.S. Relationship

§ The Search for a Settlement

3.      Turkey

§ The U.S. Relationship

§ Arms Sales and Transfers

§ The Need for a Critical Review of U.S. Policy

§ Baku-Ceyhan Proposed Oil Pipeline

§ Compensation by Turkey to Victims of its Actions

4.      Other Regional Issues

§ Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology

§ Albania

§ Armenia

§ Former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)

§ Kurds

Section 1: Executive Summary and Overview

1. UNITED STATES INTERESTS IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE AND THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN 

The U.S. has important interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. To the North of Greece are the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Russia, to the East the Middle East and to the South are North Africa and the Suez Canal. Significant communication links for commerce and energy sources pass through the region. The U.S. has an important stake in fostering good relations between two NATO allies, Greece and Turkey.

In 2000 the political, security and economic landscape in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean underwent significant changes. The emergence of a democratic government in Serbia transformed the prospects for progress in the Balkans. Further, at its December 8-10, 2000 Nice Council, the European Union (EU) took the necessary practical steps to underpin the process of enlargement. The active involvement of the EU has improved the prospects for enhanced regional cooperation and development. U.S. interests stand to benefit from these developments.

2. POLICY THEMES 

The policy themes advocated by the American Hellenic Institute since its founding in 1974 and reiterated in successive Greek American Policy Statements regarding Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean and their relation to U.S. interests and values are:

·  U.S. interests are best served by applying the rule of law in international affairs. President Dwight D. Eisenhower condemned and reversed the invasion of Egypt by Britain, France and Israel in October 1956. In his October 31, 1956 television and radio report to the nation Eisenhower said: "There can be no peace without law. And there can be no law if we were to invoke one code of international conduct for those who oppose us and another for our friends."

President George H.W. Bush stated on January 16, 1991, the day the Persian Gulf air war began against Iraqi forces: "We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order, a world where the rule of law, not the rule of the jungle, governs the conduct of nations."

In his State of the Union address to Congress and the nation on January 29, 1991, President Bush said: "Most Americans know instinctively why we are in the Gulf....They know that we need to build a new, enduring peace based not on arms races and confrontation but on shared principles and the rule of law."

On February 27, 1991, President Bush announced to the nation that " Kuwait is liberated" and stated: "This is a victory for the United Nations, for all mankind, for the rule of law and for what is right."

• U.S. foreign policy should foster and embody U.S. values, including human rights;

• Greece is a pivotal nation for U.S. interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. The U.S. should develop a "special relationship" with Greece;

• Cyprus is an important partner for U.S. strategic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean, and aggression against Cyprus must not be tolerated. A Cyprus settlement should not reward aggression but be based on democratic norms and UN resolutions;

• the U.S. should not apply double standards on the rule of law and human rights to Turkey; and

• U.S. interests are best served by supporting the rapprochment between Greece and Turkey.

3. POLICY OBJECTIVES 

In 2001 the Greek American community's main policy objectives for furthering American regional interests are:

·  the principal requirement for the U.S. is to expand and deepen its relationship with Greece through a coordinated program in the political, military, commercial and cultural fields. Greece is a vigorous and stable democracy with a rapidly modernizing economy. Greece is a source of regional political leadership and democracy building, economic investment, and commercial expertise.

Greece is the only regional state that is a member of the European Union, NATO and the European Monetary Union (EMU). In 2004 Greece will host the Olympic Games;

·  the U.S. should remain actively engaged in the search for a settlement to the Cyprus problem. The format of the current proximity talks could be expanded and intensified in the interests of a settlement based on UN resolutions, democratic principles and EU legal principles and common practices; and ¥ in the interest of regional stability and dispute resolution, the U.S. should promote Turkey's emergence as a fully democratic state able to complete the EU accession process and to participate fully in the economic opportunities presented by the improved regional climate. This process will require fundamental change in Turkey's governmental institutions, particularly a reduced role for its ubiquitous military, including putting it under civilian rule, a significant improvement in its human rights record, and meaningfully addressing its intransigence over Cyprus and the Aegean. Past U.S. policy has not had this effect and needs to be reviewed by the new Administration and Congress.

4. THE MAIN PROBLEMS AND GREEK AMERICAN RESPONSES 

Although some progress on regional stability has been made, certain long-standing problems remain. The principal problems are:

The Aegean 

The maritime border between Greece and Turkey in the Aegean has been delimited in a series of Treaties dating from 1923. However, Turkey, since its illegal invasion of Cyprus in 1974, has questioned this established boundary and raised claims against Greek territory. Greece does not accept Turkey's status in making these claims and has urged Turkey to take any claims to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for binding arbitration. Turkey has, thus far, refused to submit its claims to the ICJ for such binding arbitration.

In addition to border issues, there remain open questions about demarcation of the continental shelf.

Response: As the principal guardian of international law and to foreclose the opening of maritime issues elsewhere in the world, the U.S. should publicly state that it accepts the demarcation of the maritime borders in the Aegean as final and urge Turkey to take any claims it may have to the ICJ.

Cyprus

In 1974 Turkey invaded Cyprus with the illegal use of U.S.-supplied arms and equipment and subsequently occupied over a third of the island. Turkey's invasion of Cyprus violated U.S. laws, the UN Charter, the NATO Treaty, and customary international law. The occupation continues to date despite universal international condemnation. Talks have been held under UN auspices to reach a settlement based on a 'bizonal, bicommunal federation' in a sovereign state. This solution has been unanimously adopted by the international community but is rejected by Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leader, Mr. Rauf Denktash.

The Cyprus problem has reached another turning point. Continued progress by Cyprus in its accession negotiations with the European Union (EU) indicates that Cyprus is the frontrunner for accession in the next round. Cyprus is already in substantial compliance with EU conditions. Further the EU has stipulated that progress in reaching a settlement of the Cyprus problem is a key requirement for Turkey's accession prospects.

To date, successive rounds of proximity talks under UN and G8 auspices have made little progress. Efforts to hold substantive discussions in 2001 are being thwarted by unproductive and unacceptable "recognition" demands by Mr. Denktash, supported by Turkey. In contrast, the Cyprus government has actively engaged in the search for a settlement, as evidenced by Cyprus' constructive participation in UN sponsored proximity talks.

Response: The Bush Administration should make a commitment to support the proximity talks. These talks, now in their sixth round and stymied by Turkish Cypriot and Turkish intransigence, should be aimed at achieving a settlement based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation in a sovereign state, incorporating the norms of consitutional democracy. If the talks fail because of the bad faith tactics of the Turkish Cypriot representatives, Turkey must be held responsible and such conduct should be deemed inconsistent with the EU accession conditions for Turkey and harmful to U.S. interests.

Turkey 

Turkey's involvement in the Aegean and Cyprus problems raises difficulties for Turkey's democratization. Turkey finds itself in a state of transition, with many open questions about its future course, notably the status of the Turkish military, which controls foreign affairs and national security matters and has a dominating influence on domestic affairs. Now that the EU has granted Turkey provisional candidate status, Turkey faces the imperative of massive reform in its government, social, judicial and economic institutions. Three key EU requirements are progress to settle the Aegean, Cyprus and human rights problems. As the December 2000 IMF multi-billion dollar rescue package for Turkey shows, the Turkish economy remains fragile.

The facts about Turkey's violations of human rights are set out in numerous reports, including the November 1999 report "Arming Repression: U.S. Arms Sales to Turkey During the Clinton Administration" produced jointly by the World Policy Institute and the Federation of American Scientists. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the State Department's 2000 Country Report on Turkey have stated that "extrajudicial killings, including deaths in detention from excessive use of force, 'mystery killings,' and disappearances continued. Torture remained widespread."

Response: In the interests of regional stability and dispute resolution, U.S. policy toward Turkey needs to be reviewed by the new Administration and Congress. Despite Turkey's strategic importance for U.S. and Western interests in the Eastern Mediterranean, the new Administration and

Congress should not adopt policies that eschew the fostering and promotion of Turkey's democratization and substantive human rights improvements. If necessary, the U.S. should be prepared to link arms sales with improvements in Turkey's human rights record, progress on the Aegean and Cyprus issues, and good faith support of the proximity talks.

5. A NEW APPROACH NEEDED BY THE NEW ADMINISTRATION 

For the new Administration to advance U.S. interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, a new approach is needed. This should be aimed at making the most of the regional opportunities for progress. The principal requirement for the U.S. is to expand and deepen its relationship with Greece and Cyprus. Both are vigorous and stable democracies with rapidly modernizing economies. They are a source of regional political leadership, democracy building, economic investment, and commercial expertise. Greece is the only regional state that is a member of the European Union, NATO and the EMU.

Cyprus' stature as a regional center of international business and finance continues to grow. Its accession negotiations with the EU, which started substantively on November 10, 1998, are progressing smoothly and at its December 1999 Helsinki summit the EU committed itself to admitting Cyprus irrespective of a settlement of the Cyprus problem. Alone of the current applicant countries Cyprus meets the full criteria for EMU entry. By basing its policies in Southeastern Europe on close ties with Greece and Cyprus, the U.S. could materially advance its vital interests in regional stability, economic development, and increase in democratic institutions.

U.S. policy toward Turkey needs significant change. Turkey has not yet participated fully in the opportunities presented by the improved regional climate. Its economy remains problematic and its response to international calls, for example from the EU, for governmental and human rights reforms have been hesitant. It continues to attract international criticism for human rights violations, for the military's control of all important matters of state and for what is widely perceived as intransigence over Cyprus and the Aegean. It is in both the U.S. interest and in Turkey's interest for Turkey to reach an early settlement of the Cyprus and Aegean problems and to embrace the need for reform enthusiastically and without reservation. Past U.S. policy has not had this effect and needs to be reviewed.

Section 2 Legislative Priorities 

To give legislative effect to the above matters we will work with the Congress:

1.      to pass legislation regarding the Aegean similar to Amendment 19 to H.R. 2415 passed by unanimous voice vote in the House of Representatives on July 21, 1999, expressing the sense of the Congress that:

a.      the water boundaries established in the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923 and the 1932 Convention Between Italy and Turkey, including the Protocol annexed to such Convention, are the borders between Greece and Turkey in the Aegean Sea; and

b.      any party, including Turkey, objecting to these established boundaries should seek redress in the International Court of Justice at The Hague.

2.      to pass legislation mandating the Administration to seek for Cyprus a solution as set forth in UN resolutions and embodying the fundamental constitutional and democratic principles common in Western democracies, and in accordance with EU legal principles and common practices. We note that on July 7, 1988, then Vice President George Bush stated: "We seek for Cyprus a constitutional democracy based on majority rule,the rule of law, and the protection of minority rights." On October 2, 1992, Presidential candidate Governor Bill Clinton stated: " A Cyprus settlement should be consistent with the fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices." UN resolutions refer to a bizonal, bicommunal federation in a sovereign state.

3.      to hold hearings on a critical review of U.S. policy toward Turkey;

4.      to pass legislation enforcing the provisions of S.1067 "The Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers Act" and HR 1757 "The European Security Act" as they apply to arms transfers to Turkey and to ensure that no arms transfers take place, and specifically no Bell-Textron Cobra attack helicopters, so long as Turkey fails to meet fully the seven human rights conditions set forth by the State Department and continues to violate U.S. and international law, the UN Charter, the NATO Treaty, the 1949 Geneva Convention and relevant treaties and agreements with specific reference to Greece and Cyprus;

5.      to pass legislation linking continued good U.S. relations with Turkey with improvements in Turkey's human rights record, substantive progress on the Aegean and Cyprus issues, and good faith support of the proximity talks.

Section 3 Policy Discussion 

A detailed discussion of the issues facing the U.S. of particular concern to Greek Americans is set forth on our web site at www.ahiworld.org. The issues include: Aegean, Cyprus, Greece, Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology, arms sales and transfers to Turkey; Turkey, and other issues including: Albania, Armenia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Kurds, and NATO.

1. GREECE

The U.S. Relationship 

Following the Kosovo crisis, Greece has emerged as a key player in the Balkans and the pivotal partner for the U.S. in the wider region. It is providing the coordinating administration for EU aid to the Balkans and is itself a source of developmental capital and know-how. Now that it is a full member of the EMU, Greece's economy will continue to strengthen and thus to act as an engine of regional growth. Greece will act as the host of the 2004 Olympic Games.

As the key for the U.S. and EU to stability and peace in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean, Greece can be the indispensable partner of U.S. interests in the region. We urge the United States to take advantage of this positive reality by developing a "special relationship" with Greece for mutual benefit and commensurate with the latter's potential to advance U.S. interests. Practical ways to do this include:

• ensuring that an exchange of official visits at Head of Government level takes place once during each presidential term;

• ensuring that cabinet secretaries visit Greece on a regular basis;

• encouraging Members of Congress to undertake regular visits to Greece;

• ensuring that exchange visits at expert level take place on a regular basis. Subjects to be covered include Balkan policy, military cooperation, commercial and financial issues, narcotics and terrorism; and

• constituting a special "U.S.-Greek Task Force" in the Department of Commerce to encourage the expansion of commercial links.

The Aegean 

As an independent, sovereign country, Greece is entitled like any other country to the recognition of its sovereign borders. In the Aegean Greek sovereign territory has been subject to unilateral challenges by Turkey since its illegal invasion of Cyprus in 1974. Such challenges have no standing in international law and are contrary to international treaties, convention and protocol. To date, U.S. policy has failed to take a position on the underlying legal issues and has urged Greece and Turkey to refer the issue to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague. This has proved unsatisfactory. To prevent further recurrence of unilateral challenges to Greek sovereign territory, Administration policy should be brought into line with EU policy in recognizing Greece's maritime borders in the Aegean as being settled in international law and in urging Turkey, if it does not agree, to take such claims to the ICJ.

The relevant international law, treaties and agreements regarding the Aegean maritime boundary are the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, the Italy-Turkish Convention of January 4, 1932, the Italy-Turkish Protocol of December 28, 1932, and the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty, under which the Dodecanese Islands and adjacent islets were ceded by Italy to Greece.

The U.S. is a signatory to the 1947 Paris Treaty of Peace and is obligated to carry out its provisions under U.S. law.

Under these treaties and protocols there is no competent legal opinion which believes that the territorial question as between Greece and Turkey remains open. The EU has made a settlement of Turkey's unilateral claims against sovereign Greek territory in the Aegean a precondition for the start of accession negotiations with Turkey.

U.S. interests would be well served by disposing of this issue. A sensible step would be for the U.S. to recognize and uphold the aforementioned treaties and agreements and to repudiate any challenge to them, specifically by Turkey. In taking this step the U.S. should recognize and state publicly that the islets of Imia are Greek sovereign territory.

2. CYPRUS

The U.S. Relationship 

The continuing progress in Cyprus' accession negotiations with the EU and the EU confirmation that a solution of the Cyprus problem is not a precondition for Cyprus' EU accession presents a favorable opportunity to make progress on the Cyprus problem. The continuation of this problem is an affront to international law and to U.S. values, as well as a threat to regional stability. Six rounds of proximity talks under G8 and UN auspices have taken place. The U.S. should support and intensify the proximity talks to

reach a fair settlement based on democratic principles that respect the rights of all Cypriots, does not reward aggression and accords with normal constitutional principles. To avoid misunderstanding, it would be sound policy for the U.S. to recognize publicly that the Cyprus government has contributed its full range of constructive proposals to the talks and that no further concessions are to be expected, for example to recognize the occupied areas as an equal sovereignty.

The Cyprus government has long advocated the demilitarization of the island. We support this and believe that a NATO force on Cyprus under UN auspices and acting in full respect of Cyprus' sovereignty could act as a useful component of a settlement of the Cyprus problem.

The Cyprus problem is the central issue of U.S.-Cyprus relations but it is not the only component of the relationship. We suggest that the Administration should increase efforts to deepen its relations with Cyprus by ensuring regular visits to Cyprus by senior officials not concerned with the Cyprus problem.

The Search for a Settlement 

The proximity talks have not advanced to the point where negotiations will include substantive matters, including territory, property, security, and government. For Greek Americans, the Cyprus problem is fundamentally a question of invasion and occupation by Turkish armed forces with the illegal use of American-supplied arms and equipment. AHI supports a settlement of the Cyprus problem based on a constitutional democracy embracing the key American principles of "majority rule, the rule of law, and the protection of minority rights" as called for by then Vice-President George Bush in 1988, and upholding the "fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices" as called for in the 1992 campaign statement of then Governor Clinton. These practices include the provision for and implementation of the three basic freedoms, namely, freedom of movement, of property and of residential settlement. A constitutional settlement in Cyprus should be based on democratic principles that respect the rights of all Cypriots. We support efforts by the international community to reach a practical formulation for implementation of these principles.

At its December 10-11, 1999 Helsinki Summit and reaffirmed at the Nice Summit of December 8-10,2000,the EU stated that a resolution of the Cyprus problem is not a precondition for Cyprus' accession to the EU. Cyprus' accession to the EU would confer economic, political, social, and cultural benefits to the whole island. We call upon the U.S. to continue its support for Cyprus' accession to the EU and to insist that Turkey cease all efforts to interfere with this process.

We condemn Turkey's attempts to hinder these negotiations, and further condemn the Turkish threat of annexation of the occupied part of Cyprus by Turkey if Cyprus becomes an EU member. Such actions, which the international community views as an attempt to dismember Cyprus, were condemned as illegal and invalid by SCR 541 (1983) of November 18, 1983. SCR 550 (1984) of May 11, 1984, called upon all states to refrain from recognizing the occupied areas and from assisting or facilitating them in any way.

3. TURKEY 

The U.S. Relationship 

Turkey represents the flip side to the success stories in Greece and Cyprus. Its politics are unsteady and its economy is faltering. It is undergoing a crisis of indecision on how to respond to the EU political, constitutional, economic and human rights performance criteria for opening accession negotiations.

The U.S. maintains a wide-ranging and multifaceted relationship with Turkey with multiple points of common interest. While not calling this relationship into question, we find certain aspects of the relationship very troubling. We are particularly concerned about past U.S. tolerance for the dominant military influence over the Turkish government. We believe that rigid views among the military have severely impeded progress over the Aegean and Cyprus. This lack of progress is not only damaging to the U.S. interest in regional stability but also damages Turkey's international relations, economic interests and the citizens of Turkey. At present Turkey contributes some $350 million annually in direct economic support to the regime in the occupied parts of Cyprus. Further, its continued unilateral claims against Greek sovereign territory in the Aegean inhibit the rapprochement process with Greece and severely impact its relations with the EU.

The transformation of Turkey into a stable, fully democratic nation is in the interests of Turkey's neighbors, including Greece and Cyprus, of the U.S. and of Turkey itself. At present it is by no means certain that Turkey will complete this desirable process quickly, or at all. Former French Ambassador to Turkey, Eric Rouleau, expressed this well in his Foreign Affairs (November/December 2000 issue) article, "Turkey's Dream of Democracy," when he wrote that one of the great challenges facing Turkish reformers was "to convince the Turkish military to relinquish its hold on the jugular of the modern Turkish state." (p.102)

Ambassador Rouleau discusses Article 118 of the Turkish constitution "which establishes the National Security Council (NSC), a kind of shadow government through which the [military] can impose their will on parliament and the government." (p. 105)

He describes "Mercantile Militarism" under which the Turkish military draws up its own budget, controls substantial industries through OYAK, "a vast conglomerate comprising some 30 enterprises" and an arms production company, TSKGV, which also "comprises some 30 companies and generates tens of thousands of jobs. More than 80 percent of its revenues go into a reserve fund estimated to reach tens of billions of dollars." (pp. 109-110) OYAK and TSKGV are very profitable and for a "good reason" as Rouleau puts it, they are "exempt from duties and taxes" (p. 109), a unique form of military corruption.

Ambassador Rouleau details the massive killings by the Turkish military. He writes:

"According to the Turkish Ministry of Justice, in addition to the 35,000 people killed in military campaigns, 17,500 were assassinated between 1984, when the conflict began, and 1998. An additional 1,000 people were reportedly assassinated in the first nine months of 1999. According to the Turkish press, the authors of these crimes, none of whom have been arrested, belong to groups of mercenaries working either directly or indirectly for the security agencies." (p. 112)

Ambassador Rouleau's 14-page article should be required reading for anyone dealing with policy toward Turkey.

Arms Sales and Transfers 

One aspect of any review of U.S. policy toward Turkey must be arms sales. Despite the end of the Cold War, Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean remain excessively and dangerously armed. This is highly disadvantageous to regional economic development and the rational allocation of resources. This concern applies preeminently to Turkey, as evidenced by its need for emergency economic assistance from the IMF in December 2000.

Turkey is already the most highly militarized country in Europe. This is damaging both politically and economically, in that it entrenches military control in Turkey and drains away resources that should be applied to economic reform. Turkey's excessive military inventory, presently far beyond its legitimate defense needs, already threatens the regional balance. A cessation of new supplies will reduce tensions and remove the cause of the regional arms race.  

As long as Turkey continues to be the major obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the Aegean and Cyprus issues and is the primary cause of tensions in the region, we will oppose any sale of advanced U.S. weapons to Turkey, including Bell-Textron Cobra attack helicopters, as contrary to the best interests of the United States and regional stability. We believe such sales jeopardize the balance of military power between Greece and Turkey and threaten regional stability.

Arms sales to Turkey should be linked with improvements in Turkey's human rights record, substantive progress on the Aegean and Cyprus issues, and good faith participation in the proximity talks.

AHI notes with satisfaction that the British government has warned that an arms embargo may be applied to Turkey in the event that Mr. Rauf Denktash's intransigence and Turkey's support for it continue. (Milliyet, Turkish daily, Internet version, Jan.21, 2001) Mr. Denktash withdrew from the next round of proximity talks on Cyprus that were due to be held in Geneva in late January. AHI regards Britain's response as fully appropriate and long overdue. AHI urges the new Administration and Congress to make similar statements.

We support the reintroduction of S.1067 "The Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers Act" and HR 1757 "The European Security Act" in the new 107th Congress. This legislation would condition arms exports on minimum standards of conduct, basic respect for human rights, non-aggression, democratic form of governance, and participation in the UN Register of Conventional Arms.

The Need for A Critical Review of U.S. Policy 

We believe that a critical review of U.S.-Turkey relations is long overdue. This review should include Turkey's undemocratic constitution under which the military controls foreign and national security policy as well as strongly influencing domestic policy. By adhering to unacceptable policies over the Aegean and Cyprus, and by its widely documented human rights abuses, Turkey chronically finds itself at odds with the EU, the U.S. and the wider international community. It thus pays a political and economic price that far outweighs any concrete gains to Turkey. Past U.S. policy toward Turkey has not focused sufficiently clearly on these costs to Turkey. We urge the new Administration to review this policy so that it can engage Turkey on the Aegean and Cyprus and human rights issues to bring about their early resolution.

A critical review of U.S.-Turkey relations should include:

• an assessment of the thesis that Turkey's strategic value to the U.S. is such that the U.S. must forgo its fundamental principles and values and acquiesce in all aspects of Turkish policies;

• a reassessment of the U.S. policy of appeasing Turkey in current issues of dispute between Turkey and Greece and between Turkey and Cyprus;

• an assessment to determine whether current U.S. policy is impeding Turkey's democratization and emergence as a mainstream country; and

• an assessment of Turkey's reliability as an ally.

We cite the following actions by Turkey, among others, as reasons for such a review:

• throughout 1998-2000 Turkish officials have raised what Ambassador Richard Holbrooke described as "unacceptable new demands" with regard to Cyprus;

• throughout 2000 senior Turkish officials made repeated territorial demands against sovereign Greek territory in the Aegean;

• in 2000 and in 2001, Turkish officials have voiced support for lifting UN sanctions against Iraq (Washington Post, Jan. 26, 2001, at A17, col.1);

• in January 1999 Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit questioned the U.S. right to use Turkish facilities for operations against Iraq;

• in January 1999 the Turkish military barred the Virtue party, the largest in Turkey, from participating in the negotiations to form a new Turkish government;

• since the UN sanctions were imposed on Iraq in 1991, Turkey has condoned the smuggling of oil from Iraq into Turkey, thus undermining international sanctions against Iraq and providing Iraq with a valuable source of hard currency to threaten U.S. interests.

• in January 1998 the Turkish Constitutional Court banned the Refah party, barred its leaders from political participation, and confiscated its property;

• in June 1997 the Turkish military carried out a de facto coup to remove the democratically elected coalition government of the Refah and True Path parties;

• in September 1996 Turkey refused to assist the U.S. in its operations against Iraq.

Baku-Ceyhan Proposed Oil Pipeline 

One factor in American policy and attitude towards Turkey is the proposed Baku-Ceyhan pipeline to bring oil from the Caspian Sea Basin to the West. Unfortunately, the proposed Baku-Tiflis-Ceyhan oil pipeline is commercially uneconomic. It would also have to cross a mountainous earthquake zone and an area of political instability. If it is ever built, which is still an open question, it will not be be because it is the best route to bring Caspian oil to market but at the unrecoupable cost of enormous government subsidies from the U.S. and Western lending institutions. For these reasons, not a single major American oil company is willing to underwrite even a portion of the project, despite years of State Department lobbying. The U.S. should carefully weigh all alternatives to the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline, including cooperation with Russia.

Compensation by Turkey to Victims of its Actions 

We cite the compensation paid by the government of Germany to holocaust victims and to the state of Israel and by the government of Japan to victims of its actions in Asia before and during World War II. We call for compensation from the government of Turkey:

• to the victims of Turkey's illegal invasion of Cyprus in 1974;

• to the owners of property in Cyprus illegally taken, occupied and used by the Turkish authorities since 1974;

• to the victims of the September 1955 Turkish pogrom against its Greek citizens in Istanbul; and

• to the victims of the Turkish genocide against the Pontian Greeks.

Turkey has failed, to date, to honor the judgement against it in the Titina Loizidou case by the European Court of Human Rights in connection with property rights violated by Turkey during its illegal invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and its continuing occupation.

4. OTHER REGIONAL ISSUES 

Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology 

Religious freedom is a basic human right. This right is not enjoyed by Orthodox Christians in Turkey as evidenced by the chronic persecution of Orthodox Christians in Turkey, the harassment of the Ecumenical Patriarch and attacks on the Patriarchate in Istanbul. Further, we call on Turkey to stop the desecration of Orthodox Christian cemeteries in Istanbul, lift the restrictions imposed on the Saint Nicholas festival, a saint worshipped by Christians throughout the world, and permit persons to work at the Patriarchate who are not Turkish citizens.

We condemn the illegal closing, by the Turkish Government in 1971, of the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology in violation of Turkey's obligations under the UN Charter and other international agreements.

Section 2804 of the 1999 Appropriations Bill, passed on October 22, 1998, states that:

"It is the sense of Congress that the United States should use its influence with the Government of Turkey to suggest that the Government of Turkey:

1.      recognize the Ecumenical Patriarchate and its nonpolitical, religious mission;

2.      ensure the continued maintenance of the institution's physical security needs, as provided for under Turkish and international law, including the Treaty of Lausanne, the 1968 Protocol, the Helsinki Final Act (1975) and the Charter of Paris;

3.      provide for the proper protection and safety of the Ecumenical Patriarch and the Patriarchate personnel; and

4.      reopen the Ecumenical Patriarchate's Halki Patriarchal School of Theology."

The Patriarchate issue was introduced at AHIPAC's initiative in the 104th Congress by H.Con.Res. 50. This was carried forward in the 105th Congress by H.Con.Res 6. Congressman Mike Bilirakis (R-FL) introduced both with numerous co-sponsors.

U.S. policy should be to support this legislation and to ensure that the actions called for in the law are implemented. In light of Greek-Turkish rapprochement efforts and Turkey becoming an EU accession candidate, the reopening of the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology would seem to be a next logical step for Turkey to take.

Albania

We continue to be concerned about the threat to the Greek Orthodox community in Southern Albania (also known as Northern Epirus) by denying and restricting the full legal, educational (including Greek language instruction), religious, voting and employment rights guaranteed to the minority by international agreements signed by Albania. We continue to be concerned about the personal security of the Greek minority population which is regularly victimized through kidnapping and ransom demands.

The Greek minority in Albania, which was brutally persecuted by the communist dictatorship that ruled the country for almost half a century, thought their ordeal would end once communism collapsed. But the succeeding governments have continued the oppressive policies of the past and have pursued them so relentlessly that they threaten the very existence of the Greek minority in the country. Over the past decade all ethnic Greeks have been removed from positions of power in the armed forces, the police, the judiciary, and public administration--something not even the communists tried to do. In addition, Tirana has redistricted administrative and voting regions to prevent ethnic Greeks from exerting any form of political power where they dominate. When an ethnic Greek appeared likely to be elected mayor in the town of Chimara last October, for example, the ruling Socialist government resorted to acts of outright fraud, as documented by international observers, to insure his defeat.

These acts of discrimination and persecution constitute subtle ethnic cleansing and are aimed at making ethnic Greeks in the country feel isolated, powerless and vulnerable so that they will abandon their homes and move south to Greece.

This spring Tirana plans to launch a campaign to disenfranchise all ethnic and religious minorities in the country by pretending they no longer exist. In the first national census to be held in the country in 60 years, the government has decided to issue questionnaries that do not measure religious or ethnic affiliation in clear contrast to what Tirana demanded and received from Albanian minorities in neighboring countries. For example, in the census taken in FYROM in 1994 Albania insisted that questions regarding ethnic identity and religious affliation be included and they were as a result of strong support from the international community. Now Albania wants to deny its minorities the same opportunity to be counted offered to Albanians in FYROM.

"For us ethnic Greeks, who have lived in the area since Homer's time, the failure to be counted will mean the end of our existence as a community," Vangelis Doules, the president of OMONIA, the civil rights group that represents ethnic Greeks in Albania, recently wrote the State Department. "For we know very well that the reason Albanian leaders do not want any measure of our number to be taken is so that they...can claim that most ethnic Greeks have left the country, something they have started to say already and don't want an actual count to refute."

We call on the U.S. government, in its own interest and the interest of maintaining peace and stability in the southern Balkans, to undertake an intense diplomatic dialogue with the government of Albania to ensure that the issues of the rule of law and minority and human rights cited above are resolved. It is extremely urgent for the U.S. to make it clear to Tirana that it must treat its own minorities fairly and it must begin that effort by giving them the right to declare their ethnic and religious affiliation in the upcoming census.

Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) Classical Macedonia's Hellenic Heritage is well documented by archaeological evidence and the writings of internationally known historians. Since antiquity, the name Macedonia has referred to a geographic region and not to a specific nationality.

We call on the U.S. to strongly support a name for this Former Yugoslav Republic which does not include the word "Macedonia."

Armenia 

The Greek American community enjoys long-standing contacts with the Armenian community and Church in the U.S. We support the Armenian community's efforts on the Humanitarian Aid Corridor Act, passed as part of the 1997 Foreign Aid Bill, which calls for a halt in U.S. assistance to any country blocking U.S. aid to another country. The Turkish blockage of aid to Armenia includes U.S. humanitarian and pharmaceutical aid. We deplore the previous Administration's waiver of that Act for Turkey. It is in the interests of the U.S. to recognize the 1915 Armenian genocide on the lines of H.Con.Res.56.

Kurds 

Turkish claims against Greek territory in the Aegean and Turkish aggression against Cyprus are paralleled in Turkey's treatment of its own citizens, especially the Kurds. Reports by the State Department, World Policy Institute and the Federation of American Scientists, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International have highlighted Turkey's use of U.S. weapons in committing human rights violations against the Kurds. These actions form part of the pattern inhibiting Turkey's democratization process. The U.S. should support policies, including an arms embargo, which provide incentives to Turkey to reform. The supplying of arms by the U.S. to Turkey has made the U.S. an accessory to Turkey's ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and genocide against the Kurds.